Obama’s Sit Down with
Thomas Friedman
Last Friday, President Obama sat down for an
interview with NY Times columnist Thomas Friedman about foreign
affairs. Although the topics were
broader than the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, the topic was
broached. When asked about whether he
should be more vigorous in pressuring Prime Minister Netanyahu and Abu Mazen to
strike a land for peace deal, the President answered that it has to start with
Abbas and Netanyahu. Pointing out that
Bibi’s poll numbers are better than Obama’s, the President does not believe
that Bibi will make peace without internal pressure forcing him to make
necessary compromises. Abu Mazen
according to the President has a different problem; he is too weak to make
peace. In other words, while Bibi is too
popular, Abbas is not popular enough
.
In Obama’s world, Bibi needs societal pressure to take on the
settler movement and make the necessary hard compromises that are against his
natural inclinations. Obama continues to
focus on settlements in the territories as the key issue. It is as if he has completely ignored
Operation Protective Edge and most of the last six years he has been President.
According to Obama, Abbas is just too weak to make peace. But what does that mean? Just for a moment, consider the assumption
that Abbas is prepared to accept the legitimacy of Israel being the homeland of
the Jewish people and is willing to live in peace in a Palestinian state
side-by-side with Israel and that refugees will be repatriated only in a
Palestinian state. I am totally aware of
the lack of realism regarding these assumptions but let this argument play out. Abbas is weak because his positions are not
reflective of the society that he represents.
His solution has not been accepted by the Palestinian street; he is out
ahead of Palestinian public opinion.
How does one establish one’s bona fides in Palestinian society
as a leader? The best way to do so seems
to be to murder Israelis. Recent polling
data indicates that less than 30%
of the Palestinians support a two-state solution. Mainstream Palestinian society is still not
prepared to accept the permanence of the State of Israel and live in peace
alongside of it. So in the world according to Obama, Bibi is to push his
society place their trust in a 79 year-old leader in the 9th year of
his 4-year term whose views do not reflect those of his society when the
significant likelihood is that Abbas’ successor will have dramatically
different views about a Palestinian state.
And all of this is ignoring the possibility of rocket fire from the
Judean hills down into the coastal plain and shutting off Ben Gurion Airport
and Israel’s connection to the outside world.
Then we move on to Bibi.
I wish our constitutional law scholar President had bothered read or
re-read James Madison and Federalist 10 about the nature of democracies and
representative governments. It might
have given him a better understanding of Israeli politics. Madison’s problem with pure democracy was the
combination of people with similar economic or social interests into a tyranny
of the majority, which he described as the violence and damage caused by
factions. Madison posed two possible
solutions to the problem of factions, eliminate its causes or control its effects. In a free society, the elimination of
factions is impossible because interest groups are inherent to liberty. Only a totalitarian society can eliminate the
cause of factions, such as the one in Gaza.
Madison’s solution was a representative government, a
government in which the many elect the few who govern. A pure democracy is
incapable of controlling conflicts between factions because the views of the largest
faction control, and there is no way to protect weak factions against the
actions of an obnoxious individual or a strong majority. Madison’s belief was that the elected
representatives would represent the best of society and be able to govern with
wisdom and discernment. I cannot say
that that portion of Madison’s analysis is applicable to the Knesset, but
Madison’s solution still works.
With broad coalitions necessary to achieve power, compromises
must be made to establish a majority coalition and in the process take into
account all the disparate views of the factions forming the coalition. That’s where Federalist 10 speaks directly to
Israeli politics. In order to form a
government, Bibi has put together a disparate coalition that includes Tzipi
Livni, Avigdor Lieberman and Naftali Bennett, which in the aggregate is
reflective of the views of the a broad spectrum of Israeli society,
constituting the vast majority. There is
ambivalence in Israeli society, which sees both the necessity of a Palestinian
state combined with the utter impracticality of having one, given the impact of
such a state on the ability of Israelis to live in peace and without fear of
rocket fire or terrorist attacks. Even
though Operation Protective Edge has increased Bibi’s popularity, Bibi is nevertheless
reflective of that societal ambivalence.
The left has not convinced the Israeli public that its policies are a
viable alternative. On the other hand,
neither has the hard right convinced the public of the benefits of their
policies either. That sort of gets you
to Bibi by default.
Netanyahu’s views are reflective of those of his society; Abu
Mazen’s are not. So why is it that
Netanyahu has to be pressured when Palestinian society, according to President
Obama is not prepared to make peace? The
rational move would be to influence the views of the Palestinians so that
Abbas’ views are not dismissed on the Palestinian street and isn’t that where
the President should be directing his energies?
Written August 12, 2014
© 2014 by Douglas J. Workman
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